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Here, the emphasis on prosperity has become stronger than the control of sexuality. With their entanglement of faith and success orientation, these churches are bound to Nairobi: it is a locally embedded norm in Nairobi to demonstrate status through appearance, exclusive clothing, and conspicuous consumption.

The Sunday services of many church communities in Nairobi are known as catwalks with a spiritual background, for instance in Parklands, Westlands or Kilimani. Another important aspect is that many churches in Nairobi demand considerable donations.

For instance, in Mombasa clothes do not mark social differences to the same degree as they do in Nairobi. Also, interviews with members of church communities in Mombasa reveal that many of them do not feel as secure as their counterparts in Nairobi.

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For instance, members of the Christian Religious Milieu in Nairobi frequently work in areas where they come into contact with behaviours that show little respect for central Christian norms. I have seen it happening in concerts. And maybe somebody saw you dancing in a, in an otherwise, not so proper manner with someone.

She does not drink and emphasises in the quote above, that she does not want to dress provocatively or dance with men because concert organisers ask for it.

However, Jennifer not only draws a moral boundary, she is also worried about spoiling her future employment prospects if someone sees her. Many members of the Christian Milieu in Nairobi face similar problems because they work in environments where drinking, partying and one-night stands are usual. Religious Christians such as Jennifer must develop particular strategies to deal with such situations. In comparison, despite large amounts of club life and prostitution in Mombasa, there seem to be fewer overlaps in the everyday situations of inhabitants in the coastal town, by and large.

In Mombasa, clubs and places for prostitution are concentrated in parts of town such as Mtwapa and Nyali, which are far away from the homes and jobs of most inhabitants, including the Christian Milieu. Professional areas and clubs are socially and spatially more separated than in Nairobi, possibly also as a result of the connection to domestic and international tourism present in Mombasa.

The milieu of the Young Professionals has taken shape in the last two decades and is an expression of new urbanisation processes that are significant for present day Nairobi. To many young adults, Nairobi promises individual success and a hedonistic urban life without subordination to the extended family or to ethnic or religious community. Nevertheless, there are also members of this milieu from rural areas who migrated to Nairobi.

Many of them travel regularly to Europe or North America. Young Professionals are famous for forms of conspicuous consumption, with colourful clothes, the newest electronic gadgets such as the latest phones, and partying in clubs and bars. Members of this milieu must have the financial means to pay for elegant clothes, for drinks in bars and clubs, and for restaurants in the city centre or districts like Westlands or Kilimani.

The role models of those in this milieu are successful business people and celebrities. In public, the lifestyle of Young Professionals sometimes clashes with the ideals of other milieus. A considerable number of them try to cut the ties to their extended families to escape social control and financial obligations. In this way, they distance themselves from the moral economy of rural villages and avoid forms of mutual solidarity.

The milieu is bound to the city because the well-paid jobs in international companies and non-governmental organisations are located here. Similarly, Nairobi has a uniquely vibrant nightlife.

Style and looks are crucial for members of this milieu. It is crucial in this environment to also know what to wear, how, and when and where to wear it. Their well-paid jobs—but also money from their well-established families and from bank loans—give Young Professionals economic opportunities and allow them to display exclusive taste. All these aspects produce symbolic economic and cultural boundaries cf.

She also shows how these young Nairobians maintain their gender-specific identities by going to popular places.

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Part of typical interactions is having certain types of relationships, including those that enable casual sex. This quote shows that sex can bridge, at least partly, the contradictions that young people feel as they become part of a globally integrated Kenya and when they fear they might lose connection to their African background.

She does not own a car or even a fridge, probably to hide her good financial situation from relatives. For instance, she not only goes to clubs and restaurants but also travels to lodges in the Masai Mara and to European countries.

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Her individualised lifestyle not only gives her financial opportunities, she can also hide her love life from her family and avoids questions about marriage and children.

Although Zara does not mention it in the interview, she has—according to friends—successive and sometimes multiple boyfriends. He is a co-owner and co-director of a small marketing and event company, which he founded together with a friend three years before the interview.

After attending expensive schools and securing a diploma as a graphic designer, he started working for a Chinese pay-TV company in Nairobi. Adrian is well-dressed in colourful outfits or, if necessary, more formal business clothes. He wears his hair in well-kept dreadlocks, exercises several times a week at the gym and goes regularly to popular bars and festivals.

As a graphic designer, he owns a MacBook and a digital camera with several lenses. Usually, the reason is that they get married and have children. Moreover, due to their focus on empirical findings, milieu studies are able to consider, likewise, particular aspects of a city, such as local subcultures, economic branches or particular forms of global connections. It is necessary to study cities in Africa without assumptions that have no empirical proof, such as underdevelopment as an alleged commonality of urban Africa.

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Including sociocultural aspects in the process of group construction is, on the African continent, particularly important because many features such as ongoing urban—rural connections, the affiliation to the extended family but also the emergence of new urban lifestyles are frequent there but missing in class studies and Northern social theory in general.

In contrast to class, milieu refers to the most significant sociocultural characteristics and may offer an alternative. Also, due to their empirical perspective, milieu studies are open to local particularities and do not transfer the same model of stratification to each city in a certain country or region.

The Young Professionals exist as a milieu of significant size only in Nairobi, where many companies and non-governmental organisations, an entrepreneurial environment and a lively club scene attract young, well-educated Kenyans. Likewise, the study of middle-income milieus provides particular insights into aspects such as urbanism and urban—rural ties, which are crucial parts of most African cities but may manifest themselves there in ways very different to those found in Nairobi.

A short discussion with a focus on urbanism and urban—rural ties demonstrates the usefulness of the milieu approach.

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Rather, the cultural importance of entrepreneurial success and the material display of wealth provide the symbolic basis for the existence of the Young Professionals as a milieu. Because the Young Professionals do not exist as a milieu in Mombasa and even members of the Christian Religious Milieu, by and large, do not show similar career ambitions in Mombasa, it is highly plausible to consider the strong orientation towards economic success and demonstrations of well-being as characteristics of Nairobi.

For the inhabitants of most cities in sub-Saharan Africa, urban—rural ties are significant, but the way in which milieus relate to them is revealing with regard to specific forms of urban life. There are different ways in which residents of Nairobi relate to their extended families and the rural communities of the countryside.

Young Professionals focus on their individual lives in the city, and they either have few connections to their extended family or even try to escape the financial obligations attached to kinship.

For members of the Christian Religious Milieu, strong relations with the extended family and rural community are possible, but they are—mostly—less important for their lifestyle than the activities that take place in their church.

In contrast, ties to the extended family and ethnic group in their rural home form a central part of life for another milieu, the Neo-traditionals. Urban—rural ties are one significant aspect that all milieus deal with, but they do so in very different ways. Furthermore, it is possible to study other significant aspects of African cities by a focused research into milieus, from economic practices to movement patterns, and the use of infrastructure in a wide sense that includes housing, education or forms of social security.

Many new developments have deeply changed lives in African cities over the last two decades, and the milieu perspective may help us to study these. For instance, such different aspects as growing digitalisation and changing global—local relations, but also gender, affect individuals in specific ways according to their lifestyles.

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How and for which purpose do members of a milieu use smartphones, social media and messengers in a certain city? Which specific global influences affect members of which milieu in a certain city? From new Chinese economic activities to mass tourism, there are many aspects on the global level that change the realities of life on the local level.

Nevertheless, field research is necessary to understand how global developments are being integrated into the routines of cities. The milieu approach widens scope and allows one to study gender relations in certain groups and with respect to particular features of places.

Relations to aspects such as sexuality and expectations with regard to women and men, but also attitudes towards homosexuality, differ strongly between these and other milieus. Finally, milieu studies can increase our understanding of certain cities for future comparative research. Also, comparing ways of life among middle-income milieus in selected African cities will reveal local particularities.

Which milieus exist in Lagos and Cape Town, which similarities and differences are there in comparison to Nairobi, and how do these findings relate to the general characteristics of these cities?

Furthermore, comparisons of milieus in different parts of the global South and North may provide new forms of knowledge—for example, with a focus on selected topics such as the use of digitalisation and gender.

The milieu concept can be a fine bedfellow for the study of the urban. In Africa, but even elsewhere in the world. References Abu-Lughod, Amin, Amis, Bryceson and Potts, eds. African Urban Economies. Viability, Vitality or Vitiation? Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan , pp. Andrianampiarivo, Beck, Nassenstein, and Hollington eds. Global Repertoires and Urban Fluidity.

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