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Drawing from original quantitative and qualitative data collected in Durham, NC, a rapidly growing immigrant receiving city in the Southeastern We concentrate on two dimensions of sexual behavior, sexual initiation and current sexual partners.
Results illustrate profound changes in sexuality accompanying migration with marked differences by gender and marital status, and highlight the health risks posed by family separation and the male-dominated context in Durham. Our approach is to compare sexual behaviors across three main socio-demographic dimensions directly associated with sexuality: gender, marital status, and migration.
We argue that it is in the intersection between the three dimensions that the changes in sexual behavior associated with migration can be understood.
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This also interacts importantly with marital status, which is another key factor that organizes sexual choices. Sexual experimentation is tolerated and encouraged among single men, who tend to experience their first sexual encounter at a relatively early age. Single women, on the contrary, are expected to control their sexual desires and arrive virgin to marriage, and sex outside of marriage for married women is outside the boundaries of acceptable behavior and a serious violation of social norms Hirsch et al.
And finally, because sexual norms are transmitted and absorbed by local culture and social networks, sexuality is likely to be profoundly influenced by migration.
Migration can alter sexuality at the cultural, personal, and structural levels. On the other hand, other byproducts of migration may operate in favor of tradition. At the personal level, migration is a disruptive event that relocates individuals across borders in an unfamiliar environment, dislocating social networks and structures of support.
The con works something like this: You post a dating profile and up pops a promising match — good-looking, smart, funny and personable.
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Have you seen this scam? The second most common type of exogamous marriage involves Hispanic spouses from dissimilar national origins. With few exceptions, the overall level of ethnic endogamy is lower for cohabiting unions than for formal marriages.
In particular, exogamous cohabiting unions are generally less likely to involve a non-Hispanic white partner and more likely to involve a Hispanic partner or a black partner than are exogamous marriages. The figures for black partners are especially striking. Due to sample size limitations, the full array of generational differences in endogamy in cohabiting unions can be presented only for Mexican Americans.
Interethnic unions are of interest in their own right, but their consequences for ethnic boundaries are greatest when they produce children. We have seen that mixed unions among Hispanic women most commonly involve a non-Hispanic white partner.
Because such unions both signal and facilitate assimilation into mainstream white society, their offspring are likely to identify less strongly with their Hispanic national origins than children with two coethnic parents. Although numerous factors affect the size and composition of Hispanic groups As was the case in the previous table on union patterns, we organize the data by the mother s ethnicity and generation.
However, due to the limited information collected on the birth certificate, we are able to distinguish only between foreign-born mothers and native-born mothers. Focusing first on all births, there are substantial differences in intermating patterns by Hispanic ethnicity and generation. As was the case in our analysis of marital and cohabiting unions, the level of ethnic endogamy is higher among Mexican Americans than for other Hispanic groups.
Moreover, for all groups except Mexican Americans, coethnicity of parents is considerably lower than coethnicity of married or cohabiting partners. The most striking pattern shown in the table, however, is that for generation: infants of foreign-born mothers are substantially more likely to have coethnic parents than infants of native-born mothers.
Exogamous unions producing children are highly likely to be with Hispanic fathers from other national-origin groups or with non-Hispanic white fathers, with one exception.
Mexican-origin women are considerably more likely to bear a child with a non-Hispanic white partner than with a non-Mexican Hispanic partner. When births are broken down by the marital status of the mother, several important differences in ethnic mixing are evident. First, considerably fewer births to unmarried Hispanic mothers involve partnerships with non-Hispanic white males than is the case for births to married Hispanic mothers. Second, births outside marriage are more likely to involve a non-Hispanic black father than births within marriage.
This pattern is similar across all Hispanic groups. However, this age is often younger in rural areas. Men usually ask for parental permission to marry their daughter before engagement. Marriage ceremonies and services usually follow the Roman Catholic tradition. However, some couples may choose to have a civil ceremony.
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It is generally easier for older men to find partners than older women, as their reasons for being single are not socially scrutinised as much. The social stigma around this can be very strong, perhaps influencing some women to accept a mediocre partner in order to avoid being single at an older age. This gender double-standard is also lessening with the younger generation. Same-sex marriage is legal in the capital of Mexico City and the court system is seeking to effectively legalise the practice throughout the country.
However, there continues to be much social stigma surrounding homosexuality. Comparatively, Mexico has quite a low divorce rate.