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Maeder at last agreed that I should talk with my wife whether she intended to come back to me or not. I did so and she returned to me.
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We lived together for about a year when we quarreled again about some kaffir corn millet. We fought and after the fight she took her blankets and went away with her children.
I again reported the matter to Mr. Maeder who gave me a letter to Mr. I delivered it to him and he asked me if I had been to the parents of my wife about the matter. I said no. I afterwards went to them. Kokoana said that he saw that I and my wife did not like each other and that it was only the law that bound us to each other.
I agreed with him. He said that my mother-in-law was not present. I then went home. I returned and spoke to my wife who refused to return to me. It is about two years since she last lived with me. Those who engaged in casual sex became single mothers. When this couple finally decided to end their marriage formally, they were aged and sick.
These conflicts were dramatized in the newly established magisterial courts, which is why we have come to know about them. By putting Christian marriages at par with customary marriages, colonial law cleared the war for many Christianised women who had deserted when their husbands married subsequent wives customarily to sue for divorce and to successfully claim child custody.
This is because men who were bound to a Christian marriage could not remarry customarily without exposing themselves to bigamy, desertion or adultery. Their Christian wives could rely on three substantial grounds for a successful divorce: that by marrying the second wife customarily, the husband, not the wife, had deserted the marriage, had committed bigamy, and adultery.
These marriages formed the bulk of marital litigation in the first decade of colonial rule. Missionaries had celebrated these marriages on the authority of an informal verbal agreement they had reached with King Moshoeshoe. PEMS missionaries protested, saying that he had married by PEMS church rites to a woman he had deserted, and who he had not formally divorced.
The colonial government sought legal advice that confirmed that the first marriage had no legal status. Three such cases were heard before the ink on the new regulations had dried. In all of them, the couples had married by Christian rites long before the new regulations were enacted and the husbands had subsequently contracted second marriages customarily.
Then, Borane died, thus clearing Lemuel of the charge of living in adultery. Women also predominated as plaintiffs, indicating that women perceived that their petitions seeking divorce and child custody had reasonable prospects for success. Indeed, the odds were good that women would succeed in obtaining divorces and child custodies. The judgments actually worked in their favour. They granted them favourable divorces and child custodies almost with a vengeance, even in cases that merited a more sympathetic attitude towards husbands.
It led to her bearing her first child before the marriage was consummated.
Her husband described her as an especially quarrelsome spouse, always accusing him falsely of multiple infidelities, some of which he admitted.
She also allegedly neglected her wifely and household duties. Seemingly, he also was especially cruel. Government does not ask whether cattle have passed or not passed.
The fact of marriage in the church is sufficient.
It is not a light thing to dissolve a marriage. Such a marriage as this is recognized by government. The regulations state plainly that Christian marriages are binding but Elea has taken another woman to live with him. He has thrown contempt for Christian marriage and he must pay the penalty for so doing. Two people, Elea and Florina, made a contract and took vows to be true to each other.
Elea has broken the contract by taking another woman as wife and he must suffer for his ill doing. Divorce granted. There, their brazenness during their court interrogations is remarkable and striking. The colonial court, as patriarchal as it was, afforded these women the rare opportunity for engaging in public discourse on matters that directly affected their lives. Women certainly relished in the dramatic opportunity offered them to cherish the power that they struggled to wield in their households.
Yet a lone example hints at their determination, amid overwhelming odds, to accept responsibility for themselves and their children and to assert themselves. Not only had missionaries empowered them, but they continued to call upon the influential assistance of their missionary mentors to champion their causes with colonial administrators.
For other women, however, it is doubtful if colonial innovations had substantial impact on their access to colonial courts.
Marital litigation was itself cumbersome even for Christianised women. The first step was for the plaintiff to give her affidavit to the resident magistrate, stating her case. Then the plaintiff had to provide proof that a marriage subsisted—a certified copy of the register of marriage if it was celebrated in church. This could only be obtained from the church that solemnized the marriage, and it could be located at a place far from where the woman now lived. The chief magistrate then decided on the date of the hearing of the case.
Next, he published a citation of the case in the local media and summoned the litigants to appear before the court on the appointed date. One of the intentions of the colonial administration to have marriages registered was precisely to produce such proof, with an eye to future litigation.
But this regulation remained a dead letter and was soon dropped. I want a relationship, Come and make me come and everything else. Personals in soweto, not a woman looking for men and more local free state. If you are interested in nairobi, northern california. Thousands of fresh daily visitors! Grid view list view list view. The united states women seeking men alabama. I am a decent, kwazulu-natal.
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Pot of africa dating or life partner. In soweto, gauteng. I delivered the letter and he said that he would give me a letter to Maseru. I asked to be allowed to talk with my wife but he said it was better for me to go to Maseru. Maeder at last agreed that I should talk with my wife whether she intended to come back to me or not. I did so and she returned to me. We lived together for about a year when we quarreled again about some kaffir corn millet.
We fought and after the fight she took her blankets and went away with her children. I again reported the matter to Mr. Maeder who gave me a letter to Mr. I delivered it to him and he asked me if I had been to the parents of my wife about the matter. I said no. I afterwards went to them. Kokoana said that he saw that I and my wife did not like each other and that it was only the law that bound us to each other.
I agreed with him. He said that my mother-in-law was not present. I then went home. I returned and spoke to my wife who refused to return to me. It is about two years since she last lived with me.
Those who engaged in casual sex became single mothers. When this couple finally decided to end their marriage formally, they were aged and sick. These conflicts were dramatized in the newly established magisterial courts, which is why we have come to know about them.
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By putting Christian marriages at par with customary marriages, colonial law cleared the war for many Christianised women who had deserted when their husbands married subsequent wives customarily to sue for divorce and to successfully claim child custody. This is because men who were bound to a Christian marriage could not remarry customarily without exposing themselves to bigamy, desertion or adultery. Their Christian wives could rely on three substantial grounds for a successful divorce: that by marrying the second wife customarily, the husband, not the wife, had deserted the marriage, had committed bigamy, and adultery.
These marriages formed the bulk of marital litigation in the first decade of colonial rule. Missionaries had celebrated these marriages on the authority of an informal verbal agreement they had reached with King Moshoeshoe.
PEMS missionaries protested, saying that he had married by PEMS church rites to a woman he had deserted, and who he had not formally divorced. The colonial government sought legal advice that confirmed that the first marriage had no legal status. Three such cases were heard before the ink on the new regulations had dried. In all of them, the couples had married by Christian rites long before the new regulations were enacted and the husbands had subsequently contracted second marriages customarily.
Then, Borane died, thus clearing Lemuel of the charge of living in adultery. Women also predominated as plaintiffs, indicating that women perceived that their petitions seeking divorce and child custody had reasonable prospects for success.
Indeed, the odds were good that women would succeed in obtaining divorces and child custodies. The judgments actually worked in their favour. They granted them favourable divorces and child custodies almost with a vengeance, even in cases that merited a more sympathetic attitude towards husbands.
It led to her bearing her first child before the marriage was consummated. Her husband described her as an especially quarrelsome spouse, always accusing him falsely of multiple infidelities, some of which he admitted.
She also allegedly neglected her wifely and household duties. Seemingly, he also was especially cruel. Government does not ask whether cattle have passed or not passed. The fact of marriage in the church is sufficient. It is not a light thing to dissolve a marriage. Such a marriage as this is recognized by government.
The regulations state plainly that Christian marriages are binding but Elea has taken another woman to live with him. He has thrown contempt for Christian marriage and he must pay the penalty for so doing. Two people, Elea and Florina, made a contract and took vows to be true to each other. Elea has broken the contract by taking another woman as wife and he must suffer for his ill doing. Divorce granted. There, their brazenness during their court interrogations is remarkable and striking.
The colonial court, as patriarchal as it was, afforded these women the rare opportunity for engaging in public discourse on matters that directly affected their lives. Women certainly relished in the dramatic opportunity offered them to cherish the power that they struggled to wield in their households.
Yet a lone example hints at their determination, amid overwhelming odds, to accept responsibility for themselves and their children and to assert themselves. Not only had missionaries empowered them, but they continued to call upon the influential assistance of their missionary mentors to champion their causes with colonial administrators.
For other women, however, it is doubtful if colonial innovations had substantial impact on their access to colonial courts. Marital litigation was itself cumbersome even for Christianised women. The first step was for the plaintiff to give her affidavit to the resident magistrate, stating her case. Then the plaintiff had to provide proof that a marriage subsisted—a certified copy of the register of marriage if it was celebrated in church.
This could only be obtained from the church that solemnized the marriage, and it could be located at a place far from where the woman now lived. The chief magistrate then decided on the date of the hearing of the case. Next, he published a citation of the case in the local media and summoned the litigants to appear before the court on the appointed date.